Review of Paul Hertigs Dynamics in Hellenism and the Immigrant Congregation

1. Introduction: The Concept of Conversion and the Character of the Sources

The aim of this paper is to study the celebrated and sociological context of philosophic and spiritual conversion through several case studies from late Hellenism. The starting premise is that theology, religion, philosophy, education, and spiritualism lie within the aforementioned realm in Antiquity, that is to say, "human life in its entirety" (Zachhuber 2020, p. 60). The introductory section of the paper will lay out the theoretical and historiographical dimensions of the concept of conversion, and information technology will examine the character of the biographical sources hither employed; information technology will then go on to the case study sections, where the first one is concerned with third century conversion examples (including an illustration with a fifth century instance) and the second with cases from the 4th century.

On the i hand, conversion has ever been a scholarly contested term in a wide range of fields, a vexed upshot indeed. To start with, the term tin exist traced back to 1933, when the English language classicist and theologian Arthur D. Nock (1902–1963), one of the well-nigh renowned scholars in the subject of the History of Religions, published his classic study on the question of conversion (Nock [1933] 1988). In it he anticipated Pierre Hadot's insight by emphasizing the "quasi-religious attribute of ancient philosophy and its apparent parallel in Christianity" (Zachhuber 2020, p. 61). He also explained that for the ancient Greeks, initiation into the "love of wisdom" (φιλοσοφία)—in other words, the apprehension of philosophical truth—and spiritual conversion shared the same ontological level. They referred to the latter concept equally περιαγωγή or ἐπιστροφή, a pair of words which highlight the idea of a "turn" or modify of opinion and at the same time relate information technology to the field of didactics or παιδεία (cf. Pl. Resp. 518c-d). Nock ([1933] 1988, p. 179) defined the concept of conversion in the mentality of the classical world equally "the turning from luxury and cocky-indulgence and superstition (…) to a life of subject and sometimes to a life of contemplation, scientific or mystic". In short, a genuine conversion for Nock involved the transformative and metaphorical belief that the onetime is dark and the new is light (Lim 2003, p. 101). Present it is generally accustomed that his archetype definition is however paradigmatic: "Past conversion we hateful the reorientation of the soul of an individual, his deliberate turning from indifference or from an earlier class of piety to another, a turning which implies a consciousness that a swell change is involved, that the old was wrong and the new is right" (Nock [1933] 1988, pp. two–3, 7). Furthermore, the scholar considered that when studying the religious-philosophical conversion in Artifact, it was necessary to comport in mind that at that place was a "psychological ground for adherence" (Nock [1933] 1988, p. xvi).

Certainly, Nock's idea enjoyed full general acceptance as shown, for instance, in the piece of work of notorious scholars such as Eric R. Dodds in his seminal studies on the matter (Dodds 1965, p. 77; 1951). More than recently, Miguel Herrero de Jáuregui (2005, p. 67) studies conversion every bit a cognitive metaphor, and he defines it as "un proceso psicológico, que cuando, como en el caso que nos ocupa [la del cristianismo], se trata de un fenómeno masivo, se transforma en un acontecimiento histórico". Then, a wide and comprehensive definition is the one provided by Calvin B. Kendall (2009, p. 1). This author asserts that a laic can ascend to a greater slope of spirituality from his ain religion; besides, he refers to a phenomenon that also involves a alter in mentality, i.east., "the replacement of 1 conventionalities system by another. Information technology applies to the individual who has been brought to abandon his or her onetime religion and to substitute it for a new and dissimilar one. Rarely is the motility merely from unbelief to belief". The evidence of this affidavit can exist clearly seen in some of the case studies that I have analysed beneath.

Withal, as far as we are concerned here chronologically, Kendall's study extends its look globally to the 19th century, while Nock stopped his scientific work at the dawn of Late Antiquity. Neither of them deals with this period as information technology deserves, despite having a corpus of sources deeply concerned with the topic of conversion (Christians, Jews, Muslims, traditional Greco-Roman or infidel, etc.). From my betoken of view, this is a menstruum of history that requires a particular arroyo due to its defining characteristics of confrontation betwixt different belief systems that reached and impregnated the highest levels of the country—even more intensively in the fourth century (cf. Momigliano 1963). In this context, a few recent studies have been conducted that deserve special attending. With the dawn of the new millennium, Kenneth Mills and Anthony Grafton (Mills and Grafton 2003, p. 9) brainstorm their edition of a commonage volume on the affair by warning that religious conversion was not then ofttimes publicly observable in spite of being usually depicted by belatedly antiquarian and early medieval authors "every bit a atypical and personally momentous mental effect"; moreover, they claim that the idea of a consummate conversion was an entelechy. Commenting on that, Susanna Elm (2003, pp. 7–8) argues that the nigh important feature of late antiquarian conversio, as seen in the works of bishop Gregory of Nazianzus, was its graduality and the understanding of it equally a process; very much different the traditional and somewhat simplistic, quick and forced conquer-and-convert narrative of the infiltration of Arab Muslim culture, which, in fact, has been revised recently "in favor of a more subtle understanding (…) with successes and setbacks" (Deeg 2018, p. 245; cf. Papaconstantinou 2015, p. fifteen). By dissimilarity, equally Raymond Van Adam (2003, pp. 133–34) concludes, Eusebius of Caesarea seems to share the Nockian thought of conversion co-ordinate to his depiction of emperor Constantine'south conscious, sudden transition to Christianity, although information technology was probably an "interpretive fiction" with propagandistic goals. Information technology must also be highlighted the study conducted past Ilinka Tanaseanu-Döbler on the emperor Julian and the bishop Synesius of Cyrene, in which she points out: "Hinsichtlich der Konversion muβ die überragende Bedeutung charismatischer Lehrerpersönlichkeiten konstatiert warden" (Tanaseanu-Döbler 2008, p. 288). The researcher effectively demonstrates this affirmation by underlining the close relationship between her protagonists and their respective teachers, namely, the Neoplatonic philosophers Maximus of Ephesus and Hypatia of Alexandria. Thanks to their "preaching", Julian and Synesius ended upwards taking the step that led them to their Konversion zur Philosophie; that is to say, according to the triple definition of Tanaseanu-Döbler (2008, p. 287): firstly, they bankrupt with their past—in this moment they sometimes inverse their own name or had a nickname bequeathed upon them past their companions (ἑταῖροι), not rarely echoing "popular etymologies" (Grau 2008, p. 83); secondly, they radically changed their lifestyle; and, finally, they devoted themselves to finding the way to the divine.

Thus, we rely on an thought of initiation or conversion that places religion and philosophy on the same aeroplane; for in Greco-Roman artifact, there was no clear sectionalization between the realm of the secular and the spiritual (Rapp 2005, pp. 5–6). Thus, provided we carry in mind that philosophy was traditionally recognized in late Hellenism (c. 2nd to sixth centuries AD) equally "the natural crown of instruction" (Nock [1933] 1988, p. 177), information technology is easy to empathise the significance of higher instruction and the primal office of its most talented instructors, the charismatic masters (Alviz Fernández 2021, 2022). In addition, as recently maintained by Ken Parry (2020, p. 32), information technology must non be forgotten that Hellenism (in the sense of its philosophy, religion, instruction, etc.) "provided a mutual linguistic communication of intellectual discourse that was hard to resist". In this sense, philosophy represented, in brusk, an eminently corporate activity, an educational process that, with rare exceptions, was always carried out within schools or within a teacher–disciple succession (διαδοχή), which passed specific values and a detail fashion of life (Grau 2008, p. 90).

On the other hand, the sources used in this piece of work vest to the literary genre of biography. It was a pocket-sized genre in Antiquity (Nep. Pel. xvi.1.1; Plu. Alex. i.2–iii, Pomp. 8; Plb. 10.21.viii, sixteen.xiv.half dozen) that was only technically considered as such in the 16th century (Hägg and Rousseau 2000, p. 5 n.x). As matter of fact, we must technically speak rather of βίοι and vitae than of "biographies", since its etymon (βιογραφία) merely appeared late in the 5th century in the Life of Isidore or Philosophical History by Damascius (Hist.Phil. 6, ed. Athanassiadi 1999). Having all that in heed, a βίος may be divers as that written report that informs near the life of one or more historical figures, who are the main focus of attention of the author and his work from his nascency to his death—or a substantial part between both moments—including related events and individuals associated with them, as well every bit the surviving memory of their actions, whose inclusion or exclusion could serve a farther objective of the narrative every bit a whole and that must be analysed in each case on a historical, literary and ideological level (Urbano 2017, p. 14; Hägg 2012, p. ix; Adams 2013, p. 70; Momigliano [1971] 1993, p. xi; Cox Miller 1983, p. 85).

Throughout this newspaper, there take been case studies called equally specific passages of the post-obit late Hellenistic biographic treatises: Gregory Thaumaturgus' Accost of thanksgiving to Origen (Slusser 1998)—although information technology is not a biography stricto sensu; Porphyry of Tyre's Life of Plotinus (Gerson 2018; Edwards 2000); Eunapius of Sardis' Lives of philosophers and sophists (Goulet 2014); and Proclus's Life of Proclus (Männlein-Robert 2019). With hindsight, all of the aforementioned studies together make up a collection of spiritual and intellectual biographies well-nigh a higher educational activity main written by one of his most distinguished students (Hägg 2012, p. 372). Thus, John Dillon (2006, p. 158) believed that their work provided accurate information well-nigh those masters that the historian could employ in order to throw light on their characters. Indeed, they are vividly described equally charismatic teachers and beloved heads of the schools to whom their biographers belonged.

In the post-obit paragraphs, v examples of philosophical-religious initiations are to be analysed. Throughout their lines, the charismatic aureola that hovered around those spiritual teachers will be brought to lite every bit a trigger of the intimate teacher–disciple relationship that straightforwardly led to conversion.

two. 3rd Century Advertising: Gregory Thaumaturgus, Plotinus, and Rogatianus

The first passage I find worthwhile to consider in the context of spiritual conversion was written by Gregory Thaumaturgus (c. 213–270). He was a bishop of Neocaesarea, in the North of Cappadocia, and he studied under the Christian teacher Origen for 5 years between 232 and 237 in the city of Caesarea of Palestine (Van Adam 1982). At the stop of his stay, he wrote his famous Address of thanksgiving to Origen. The voice communication was delivered publicly on the occasion of Gregory'due south departure from Caesarea to render to his native land in the inner Anatolia (Slusser 1998, p. 5). The Accost gives united states our fullest contemporary account of Origen's teaching methods, too equally, from my signal of view, some glimpses of his charismatic personality that led to Gregory's spiritual conversion. Every bit a one-time pupil of Ammonius Saccas, the same as Plotinus (our next case report), Gregory may have defined Origen'due south school as ane of philosophy and not stricto sensu a place to instruct young students in the religion, i.due east., a sort of a catechetical school. In fact, it is well-known that the Neoplatonic philosopher Porphyry of Tyre studied also under him, according to Bidez (1913, pp. eleven–15), "sans doute au temps où le grand théologien provoquait fifty'enthousiasme des étudiants autour de sa chaire, dans l'école de Césarée". Although some authors claim that, in his school, Christian doctrine was taught aimed at young pagans who were showing an interest in Christianity, others accept described it more generally as "a school of the inner life and that all its education led to spirituality" (Slusser 1998, p. xx). The following text depicts the offset meeting of Gregory with Origen in 232:

I cannot recount hither how many such words he uttered in favor of the life of philosophy, not just i twenty-four hour period but about of those start days when we went to hear him. We were pierced as by a sprint by his discourse fifty-fifty from the outset, for he combined a kind of winsome grace with persuasiveness and compelling force. Just we all the same vacillated and pondered: on the i mitt we resisted taking up the life of philosophy, nevertheless not entirely convinced, and on the other mitt for some unknown reason nosotros were unable to depart, only were constantly drawn toward him by his words equally if nether some greater constraints (…). As he poured out more arguments like these one after another, and by his arts brought us in the end to a complete standstill like men nether a spell, he was supported in his words, I know not how, by some divine power.

(Greg. Pan. 6.78, ed. Slusser 1998)1

1 of the more significant interpretations to sally from these lines is that Origen'due south charisma tin can be grasped in his prime. Accordingly, information technology was that very kindness of character freely given by nature which precisely triggered Gregory's turning from traditional Greco-Roman piety to that of Christianity. Moreover, Gregory'south description of his feelings equally akin to experiencing a charm, in other words, magic (cf. γοητεία), was a recurrent allusion of tardily antique authors, above all Christians (Addey 2016, p. 3). In any example, his only explanation for his spiritual alter of mind is by means of blaming the scope of a genuine θεῖος ἀνήρ in the flesh of Origen.

The 2nd case study concerns Plotinus, the founder of Neoplatonism—"the purified philosophy of Plato" (Hierocl. apud Phot. Bibl. 214.173a), as known in Belatedly Antiquity. His disciple and schoolhouse auxiliar Porphyry of Tyre ancestral the decisive moment in which his master converted to philosophy:

He was attracted to philosophy at the age of 27, and went to the all-time regarded philosophers in Alexandria, but he came abroad from their lectures depressed and miserable. He told 1 of his friends what was incorrect, and the friend, who understood what his soul was yearning for, took him off to hear Ammonius, whom he had not notwithstanding tried. When Plotinus saw and heard him he said to his friend: 'This is the man I was looking for!' From that mean solar day, he remained with Ammonius constantly.

(Porph. Plot. 3, ed. Gerson 2018)2

The sage Plotinus, who was a successor of the Platonic catena aurea (cf. Hom. Il. 8.19; Eun. vs. 5.2; Dam. Hist. Phil. 151; Marin. Procl. 26; Lévêque 1959), came from the Upper Egyptian city of Lycopolis (Eun. vs. 3.i; Emilsson 2017, pp. iii–5). He was raised every bit a well-off, Hellenised Egyptian, and around the twelvemonth 232–233, he felt the allure for pursuing philosophy (vb. ὁρμάω) and began attention the lectures of the most renowned masters of Alexandria's auditoria (Edwards 2006, pp. 29–xxx; Derda et al. 2007). Annotation that the verb grade κατιέναι (translated just as "went") carries with it in Greek the meaning of "going down, descend" (κάτειμι, καθίημι). It could be well associated with initiation or philosophical conversion, equally suggests the illustration with the idea of κατάβασις institute in the Life of Pythagoras of the same author (Porph. VP 17; cf. Iambl. VP 25 and D.Fifty. 8.3). In addition, in this passage appears a usual literary τόπος of many vitae of belatedly antiquarian charismatic masters and besides the backbone of this contribution, i.e., the immediate conversion of the disciple every bit presently as he first heard the voice of his would-be teacher. This topic has been interpreted in the Laertian tradition—just a few decades earlier than the Neoplatonic—every bit a main–disciple take a chance coming together, results of a providential grace or τύχη (Grau 2008, p. 73). Plotinus's exclamation "τοῦτον ἐζήτουν" before Ammonius Saccas (vd. Dörrie 1955) gives the passage its undeniable rhetorical ability. It reflects in all its splendour the successful terminate of the initiate's search for the noesis of a learned, wise master. According to the biographical tradition, equally we infer from the passage, only when the initiate (μύστης) finally found him—it should be noted that female teachers were rare exceptions in Antiquity (Christensen 2018)—did a fervent zeal spread on his soul.

Furthermore, that special aura of a spiritual community leader was called "charismatic rule" by the sociologist Max Weber ([1921] 2019, p. 374), who partially studied the chief–disciple relationship in this sense (Effigy 1). The followers were devotedly attached because of a powerful personality that, following the Weberian definition, revealed "exceptional sanctity or heroic qualities or exemplary character" (Weber [1921] 2019, p. 342).

With respect to this topic, it is interesting to analyse the vivid portrait depicted by Porphyry of his chief, whose charismatic behaviour tin be discerned in the post-obit deeply hagiographic fragment:

When he spoke, his intellect was manifest even in the way it lit upwards his face. He was handsome to look at, but fifty-fifty more than beautiful in those moments. He perspired a bit; he exuded kindliness; his face looked gentle but besides intellectually rigorous when he was questioned.

(Porph. Plot. thirteen, ed. Gerson 2018)iii

The multiple allusions in the text that point to the idea that not only Plotinus' torso but too his personality radiated low-cal (φῶς ἐπιλάμποντος), showing his intellectual vigour, accept driven scholars such as Mark Edwards (2000, p. 23) and Marie-Odile Goulet-Cazé (1982, p. 261) to conclude that the students were witnesses of an authentic transfiguration. However, this paper volition testify useful in expanding our agreement of these kinds of portraits as descriptions of a primary's charisma (in this case Plotinus') as developed during a lecture. In the same vein, information technology is suggestive to make a comparison with a similar delineation of another charismatic Neoplatonic leader. By the end of the 5th century, the philosopher Marinus of Neapolis penned a biographic treatise of his master Proclus (Männlein-Robert 2019; Edwards 2000, pp. 58–116), and his description of Proclus' vigorous oratory powers, or rather, his special charisma, definitely reminds the aforementioned of Plotinus; note the similar references to lite and, once over again, the initiatory experience of a disciple:

For information technology seemed that he spoke under divine inspiration, and that the words truly fell like snowfall from that wise human being'due south rima oris. For his optics seemed to be filled with a sort of brilliance, and the rest of his visage had a share of divine illumination. In one case in the class of his exposition, a man chosen Rufinus, i of the most conspicuous figures in politics, a truthful person and otherwise worthy of respect, saw a light playing round his caput. And when he reached the terminate of his exposition, Rufinus stood upwards, fabricated an obeisance and testified on adjuration to the divine vision.

(Mar. Procl. 23, ed. Edwards 2000)4

The last third century case written report is establish also in the Porphyrian biographic treatise and is that of the Roman senator Rogatianus. This otherwise unknown senator renounced all his possessions once he was converted by his master Plotinus; every bit Marker Edwards (2000, p. xvi n.87) states when commenting on this episode, "philosophy, being a way of life, not merely a organization of doctrine, was expected to revolutionise the ambitions and pursuits of its adherents":

Quite a few Senators attended his lectures: Marcellus Orrontius and Sabinillus in particular worked at philosophy. Some other Senator was Rogatianus who came to reject this life to such an extent that he gave upwardly his possessions, dismissed his slaves, and resigned his position. (…) After he relinquished the management of his own household every bit well, he would dine and sleep at the houses of various friends and acquaintances, only eating every other day. Equally a issue of his renunciation and abstinence he recovered from his gout, which had been then severe that he used to be carried about in a chair (…). Plotinus took him into his inner circumvolve and was total of praise for him—eventually adducing him equally a good example for philosophers.

(Porph. Plot. seven, ed. Gerson 2018)5

To start with, it is worth stressing that Rogatianus was not the simply high magistrate attending Plotinus's philosophical meetings (συνουσίαι) in Rome. Indeed, in terms of aristocracy hearers, in a subsequent affiliate, information technology tin can be read that Plotinus "received the warmest honour and veneration" (Porph. Plot. 12) from the emperor Gallienus (253–268) and his wife Salonina.6 All the same, it was merely Rogatianus who showed the most significant breaks with his past in a philosophical-spiritual sense in comparing with his young man senators (Grau 2008, p. 81). Accordingly, the senator devoutly adhered to the mode of life (πολιτεία) suggested by Plotinus which, amidst other precepts, rejected condign involved in public diplomacy, i.east., in politics. In short, Belatedly Antiquarian models of exemplarity were nearly spiritual achievements and not political, civic, nor military ones (Brownish 2013, p. 29). Rogatianus followed the lead of previous Hellenistic philosophers at the time of their conversion (east.one thousand., DL 9.96, Hyparchia to Cynicism; 9.63, Pyrrho to Skepticism; 7.179, Chrysippus to Stoicism) and he renounced his title, his political function, and began practicing a spiritual retreat or "charismatic divineness" (ἀναχώρησις εἰς ἑαυτόν, cf. Porph. Abst. 4.half dozen–7: for the fasting or frugality of Egyptian priests). His stand was one of complete refusal of traditional patterns of behaviour to such an extent that reminds u.s. of the Christian anchorites who very soon after "would make the desert a urban center", as asserted Derwas Chitty (1966, p. v) in his classic book paraphrasing bishop Athanasius of Alexandria. Consequently, in the optics of his teacher he became an exemplum, for he sincerely followed his famous commandment: "Abstruse from everything!" (ἄφελε παντᾶ, Plot. 5.three.17.38, trans. Gerson 2018; cf. 5.5.xiii.vii–13; half-dozen.7.34.1–4; 6.viii.21.25–28).

3. 4th Century: Julian and Hellespontius of Galatia

The starting time 4th century case study is that of Julian, the Roman emperor between 361 and 363 (Athanassiadi [1981] 2014; Teitler 2017; Wieme and Rebenich 2020). Some chapters of Eunapius of Sardis' Lives of Philosophers and Sophists (VS vii.i–5) are devoted to Julian's higher education in Asia Minor under the Neoplatonist philosopher Maximus of Ephesus (c. 310–372). Within its pages, the Sardian sophist describes Julian's love of wisdom (φιλοσοφία) as a trigger to ending up under the auspices of a remarkable teacher and thus complete his παιδεία. Julian arrived in Pergamum approximately at the same age as Plotinus when he "went downward to Alexandria" (Porph. Plot. 3) and for a similar educational reason, i.e., to seek a instructor of philosophy. However, unlike Plotinus in the Egyptian city, Julian was attracted to Pergamum by the fame of the great sage Aedesius of Cappadocia—a usual circumstance in the sphere of ancient scholars (e.g., DL 2.65, Socrates; ii.125, Plato; 6.82, Diogenes). However, since Aedesius was already an aged man of approximately 75 years old, the sage chose other teachers amidst his school companions to instruct him in their "ritual practices" (vb. δράω, which is related to the employ of theurgic skills, cf. Eun. vs. 5.two). Thus, he would be initiated into the Neoplatonic mysteries of theurgy, which were in vogue among those religious-spiritual communities since the starting time of the fourth century with Iamblichus of Chalcis (c. 250–325) (Tanaseanu-Döbler 2013, pp. 95–135). Eventually, the turning betoken of Julian's definitive conversion was not only his disagreement with those philosophers who trusted more in reason than in ritual to approach the divine and purify the soul, but higher up all the description of a scene in which Maximus of Ephesus worked a prodigy in the temple of the Goddess Hecate:

When the sainted Julian heard this, he said: "Nay, farewell and devote yourself to your books. You lot have shown me the man I was in search of". Later maxim this he kissed the head of Chrysanthius and started for Ephesus. In that location he had converse with Maximus, and hung on to him and laid fast hold on all that he had to teach.

(Eun. vs. 7.2, ed. Wright 1921)seven

To begin with, it should be noted the resemblance of the terms used to underline the idea of revelation displayed by the respective mentors of Julian and Plotinus (east.g., the same verb form of ζητέω). Furthermore, by shedding light on the verb ἐξεκρέματο, we clearly see that information technology suggests that Julian possessed a reverential attachment to his teacher. This verbal form is the 1 that appears in Euripides (El. 950) to refer to the worshipers of the god of state of war Ares, thus endowing the words of Eunapius with deep religious connotations (a literary feature that follows the general fashion of the Sardian writer).

The next instance of philosophical-spiritual conversion is located at the end of Eunapius' collective biography, in the Life of Chrysanthius (Eunapius' teacher). The protagonist is the old itinerant sage Hellespontius of Galatia, who, co-ordinate to the sophist of Sardis (who probably met him personally), was wandering in search of "anyone who knew more than himself."eight Hellespontius is portrayed past Eunapius equally a wise human, and what is more, he makes utilise of the literary topic of learning and determinative trips and states that that the Galatian sage had travelled almost to the uninhabited parts of the world in the search of noesis before finding Chrysanthius (Penella 1990, pp. 31, 78). Yet, the context is not that of a immature pupil but of an elderly man; the classic idea of the Greco-Roman philosopher and his determination to find a spiritual guide is clearly present in these lines (Brown 1998, p. 608; cf. Valantasis 1991). After his arrival in the Lydian capital, to which he was perhaps attracted because of Chrysanthius' fame in the region (cf. supra), Hellespontius headed to the home of Chrysanthius. In that location, Eunapius was probably an eyewitness of which he narrates:

Well-nigh this time Hellespontius came to see him, and they met and conversed, though only after some filibuster. When, however, they did actually meet, Hellespontius was and then captivated that he abandoned all else and was fix to alive nether the same roof as Chrysanthius and to renew his youth by studying with him. For he regretted that he had so long wandered in error, and had arrived at onetime age earlier learning anything useful. Appropriately he bent his whole mind to this task.

(Eun. vs. 23.6, ed. Wright 1921)nine

Certainly, at start glance, Hellespontius was charmed by the eloquence and wisdom of Chrysanthius. Despite his age, this feeling was strong and pushed him to renounce everything (every bit Rogatianus) and settle in Sardis "to live by the side" of his new teacher; equally a matter of fact, Eunapius uses the Greek σκηνόω, which means literally "to military camp, to garrison" (in the armed forces semantic field), and carries the sense of greater intimacy and closeness (the one that could be usually found in an ground forces camp amid fellow soldiers). In the aforementioned vein, Richard Goulet follows Eunapius' portrait of Hellespontius as a traveller and translates more literally in his edition, "il était prêt à planter sa tente près de chez Chrysanthe". In this sense, it is likewise worth commenting that it echoes the Pythagorean thought, later on taken by the Platonists, of common life or κοινόβιον amid the members of the philosophical-spiritual community. Yet, it is a Greek term more commonly found among late antiquarian Christian authors, and Porphyry uses it in his Life of Pythagoras:

On his first visit, to the famous city of Kroton, he fabricated many disciples it is reported that he had at that place 6 hundred people who were not just inspired to study his philosophy, but actually became "coenobites" according to his instructions.

(Porph VP half-dozen.29, ed. Clark 1989)10

In sum, Hellespontius' late-life initiatory experience equally depicted by Eunapius lies undoubtedly within the topic that we are dealing with in this paper. In addition, information technology emphasizes the importance of the teacher-disciple relationship when developing said internal spiritual-psychological processes.

In addition, the same manner in which I presented the cases of Plotinus and Proclus, I would like to draw attention to a parallel passage in which, one time over again, it is discernible the master's charisma as described by his own disciple. These kinds of personal accounts help give us a amend understanding of the cardinal moments of mind amending and spiritual allegiance to a charismatic community as the ones that we take studied in this paper. With regard to the case of Hellespontius, the next portrayal of Chrysanthius allows usa to imagine that starting time coming together scene between both sages that concluded upward with the Galatian'due south devoted observance. Take notation again to the reference of a spell in order to explicate Chrysanthius' power of persuasion, his convincing rhetoric, and his god-like phonation audio:

An unaffected and indescribable simplicity was manifest in him and dwelt in his spoken communication, and moreover in that location was well-nigh every word of his a amuse that enchanted the hearer. In intercourse he was affable to all men, so that everyone went away from him with the conviction that he was especially beloved. And just as the almost mannerly and sweetest songs flow gently and smoothly, every bit they allude themselves into all men'due south ears and accomplish fifty-fifty irrational animals, every bit they tell of Orpheus, fifty-fifty so the eloquence of Chrysanthius was modulated to suit all ears and was in harmony with and adapted to all those diverse temperaments.

(Eun. vs. 23.xx–22, ed. Wright 1921)11

Late antique divine men adult a lofty way of addressing their audition, and as we can see in this text, Chrysanthius was no exception. The way the Sardian philosopher intoned his words is depicted by his countryman Eunapius with the utmost veneration, since non but was he his closest disciple but also his family and friend throughout his entire life.

4. Conclusions

The present study has gone some manner towards enhancing our understanding of belatedly antique spiritual and philosophical conversion. In Greco-Roman artifact, and most notably in Late Antiquity, the idea of conversion or initiation (initiatory experience) integrates into its definition a change or transformation of an internal and spiritual nature—therefore, of a psychological basis—that affected the system of beliefs of an private. It is important to land that this notion amalgamated inside a club for which at that place was no difference between religion and philosophy. Indeed, they were ii fields of noesis that, in Artifact, were shrouded in mystery, and 1 could only simply gain access to them to a greater extent through initiation. Thus, information technology is through this complex aqueduct that this work aimed at exposing different case studies from the second to the fifth centuries. In them we accept seen, firstly, that the nodal bespeak of conversions were the scholarchs and especially their personal charisma, and secondly, that we are working with a concept of conversion that goes beyond Nock'south classic treatment and that is to be understood non merely as an inner mental issue but besides as a social process.

In a written report like this, whose ultimate horizon is the search for the personal, when considering the construction of a Social History of conversion, we must deport in mind the character of the sources we use. In this case, they vest to the literary genre of biography (βίος), and their subjects are charismatic teachers in the field of tardily antique higher educational activity. Notwithstanding limitations such as their biased character, the case studies here analysed suggest that information technology is important to focus on who writes and of whom, namely, on the main–disciple relationship equally expressed in literature. In Artifact, there was not a unique typology of biographical genre to be followed by the authors who ventured to write a vita of an individual. Withal in that location were some features and patterns based on the social and cultural context of each age that influenced writings of this kind to acquire a particular outline. In Late Hellenism, that outline denoted acute religious competition or rivalry, deep-rooted protreptic and a dependence on the charismatic private—which Greek sources qualified as "divine" (θεῖος ἀνήρ)—whose single and extraordinary personality allowed them to lead their communities of followers.

Information technology is well-known that Peter Chocolate-brown (1971, 1998) put forrad in his seminal article that the (Christian) divine homo served as mediator between God and the human existence, and that his achievements could exist constitute in biographical or hagiographical accounts—the main sources of the social historian of Late Antiquity—in the event that someone had set down in writing the oral tradition that fell on his figure. Now, information technology could be well maintained that with the course of time, one time that charismatic man disappeared, only the manuscript remained. That is precisely what happened in the instance studies here revised.

In the instance of Gregory Thaumaturgus, it was himself who depicted his own "conversion at first sight" under Origen, whom he encountered by take chances; in Nockian words, by hearing Origen, his soul was reoriented turning from traditional Greco-Roman piety to Christian faith. Regarding Plotinus, it was his disciple Porphyry of Tyre who put down the oral tradition of his master's conversion to philosophy; it happened in the very moment he heard the right teacher in a sort of a Pythagorean-rooted katabatic experience. In turn, the erstwhile senator Rogatianus is the most remarkable example of a Neoplatonic anchorite who experienced a full and sudden turning to a philosophical way of life; just at the cease of his life did the wisdom-seeking journeys of Rogatianus provide a mentor. The moment when Julian "apostatized" might exist one of the concluding pregnant pictures of a late antique conversion to pagan religion; the ritual and mystery of Iamblichan theurgic practice were the key elements that brought young Julian to a devout adherence to his principal, Maximus of Ephesus. In sum, in these kinds of philosophical meetings, there is no lack of providence, i.due east., a master who appears equally a souvenir of destiny and as a conditio sine qua non for the conversion to take place.

In conclusion, an initiatory experience or a spiritual conversion in Tardily Antiquity was triggered past the charismatic action of a master and unremarkably preceded the moment an individual became part of a philosophical-religious community. This fact shows the liaison and shut connexion between παιδεία and mysteries, in other words, the convergence in belatedly Hellenism of religion, philosophy, and didactics.

Funding

This written report falls within the framework of the enquiry project "The Neoplatonic School of Athens (fourth-6th c.) in its historical and philosophical context: a written report of the "holy human" of late paganism and the Neoplatonic theory of the immortality of the soul" (HAR2017-83613-C2-1-P) (2018–2021) funded by the Spanish Ministry of Science, Innovation and Universities.

Institutional Review Board Statement

Not applicable.

Informed Consent Statement

Not applicative.

Conflicts of Interest

The author declares no conflict of interest.

Notes

1	Oὐκ ἔχω νῦν ἐγὼ λέγειν, ὅσας τοιαύτας ἐξήχει φωνὰς προτρέπων φιλοσοφεῖν, οὐ μιᾶς ἡμέρας μόνης, ἀλλὰ καὶ πλειόνων ὅσων αὐτῷ προσῄειμεν τῶν πρώτων, βεβλημένοι μὲν ὥσπερ τινὶ βέλει τῷ παρ' αὐτοῦ λόγῳ καὶ ἐκ πρώτης ἡλικίας (ἦν γάρ πως καὶ ἡδείᾳ τινὶ χάριτι καὶ πειθοῖ καί τινι ἀνάγκῃ μεμιγμένος), στρεφόμενοι δέ πως ἔτι καὶ λογιζόμενοι, καὶ φιλοσοφεῖν μὲν προσκαρτερήσαντες, οὐδέπω πάντη πεπεισμένοι, ἀφίστασθαι δὲ πάλιν οὐκ οἶδ' ὅπως οὐ δυνάμενοι, ἀεὶ δὲ ὥσπερ ὑπό τισιν ἀνάγκαις μείζοσι τοῖς λόγοις αὐτοῦ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἑλκόμενοι. Ὅλως γὰρ οὐδ' εὐσεβεῖν εἰς τὸν τῶν ὅλων δεσπότην (τοῦτο ὃ δὴ μόνος τῶν ἐπὶ γῆς πάντων ζώων ὁ ἄνθρωπος ἔχειν ἐτιμήθη τε καὶ ἠξιώθη, καὶ εἰκότως πᾶς ὁστισοῦν καὶ σοφὸς καὶ ἀμαθὴς περιέχεται τούτου, ὅστις μὴ παντελῶς τὰς ἐννοίας ἀπολώλεκεν ὑπό τινος φρενοβλαβείας), οὐ τὰς ἐννοίας ἀπολώλεκεν ὑπό τινος φρενοβλαβείας), οὐ τοίνυν οὐδὲ εὐσεβεῖν ὅλως δυνατὸν εἶναι ἔφασκεν, ὀρθῶς λέγων, μὴ φιλοσοφήσαντι· ἕως πολλοὺς τοιούτους ἄλλους ἐπ' ἄλλοις ἐπαντλῶν λόγους, ὥσπερ τινὰς καταγεγοητευμένους, ἐπὶ τέλει ταῖς αὐτοῦ τέχναις ἀκινήτους ἀτεχνῶς φέρων ἡμᾶς παριδρύσατο λόγοις τοῖς αὐτοῦ, οὐκ οἶδ' ὅπως, σύν τινι θείᾳ δυνάμει (ed. Crouzel 1969).
2	Εἰκοστὸν δὲ καὶ ὄγδοον ἔτος αὐτὸν ἄγοντα ὁρμῆσαι ἐπὶ φιλοσοφίαν καὶ τοῖς τότε κατὰ τὴν ᾿Aλεξάνδρειαν εὐδοκιμοῦσι συσταθέντα κατιέναι ἐκ τῆς ἀκροάσεως αὐτῶν κατηφῆ καὶ λύπης πλήρη, ὡς καί τινι τῶν φίλων διηγεῖσθαι ἃ πάσχοι· τὸν δὲ συνέντα αὐτοῦ τῆς ψυχῆς τὸ βούλημα ἀπενέγκαι πρὸς ᾿Aμμώνιον, οὗ μηδέπω πεπείρατο. Τὸν δὲ εἰσελθόντα καὶ ἀκούσαντα φάναι πρὸς τὸν ἑταῖρον·τοῦτον ἐζήτουν. Καὶ ἀπ' ἐκείνης τῆς ἡμέρας συνεχῶς τῷ ᾿Aμμωνίῳ παραμένοντα τοσαύτην ἕξιν ἐν φιλοσοφίᾳ κτήσασθαι, ὡς καὶ τῆς παρὰ τοῖς Πέρσαις ἐπιτηδευομένης πεῖραν λαβεῖν σπεῦσαι καὶ τῆς παρ' ᾿Ινδοῖς κατορθουμένης (ed. Henry and Schwyzer 1951).
3	Ἦν δ' ἐν τῷ λέγειν ἡ ἔνδειξις τοῦ νοῦ ἄχρι τοῦ προσώπου αὐτοῦ τὸ φῶς ἐπιλάμποντος· ἐράσμιος μὲν ὀφθῆναι, καλλίων δὲ τότε μάλιστα ὁρώμενος· καὶ λεπτός τις ἱδρὼς ἐπέθει καὶ ἡ πραότης διέλαμπε καὶ τὸ προσηνὲς πρὸς τὰς ἐρωτήσεις ἐδείκνυτο καὶ τὸ εὔτονον (ed. Brisson et al. 1992)
4	Oὐ γὰρ ἄνευ θείας ἐπιπνοίας ἐφαίνετο διαλέγεσθαι καὶ ἄνευ θείας ἐπιπνοίας ἐφαίνετο διαλέγεσθαι καὶ τὰ ταῖς νιφάδε<σ>σιν ὄντως ἐοικότα ῥήματα προχέειν τοῦ σωφρονοῦντος ἐκείνου στόματος. μαρμαρυγῆς γάρ τινος ἐδόκει τὰ ὄμματα αὐτοῦ πληροῦσθαι καὶ τὸ ἄλλο πρόσωπον ἐλλάμψεως θείας μετεῖχεν. ποτὲ γοῦν τις αὐτῷ παραγενόμενος ἐξηγουμένῳ ἀνὴρ τῶν ἐπιφανῶν ἐν τῇ πολιτείᾳ, ἀψευδὴς καὶ ἄλλως αἰδοῖος (Ῥουφῖνος αὐτῷ ὄνομα), φῶς εἶδε περιθέον τὴν αὐτοῦ κεφαλήν. ὡς δὲ πέρας ἐπέθηκε τῇ αὑτοῦ ἐξηγήσει, ἀναστὰς ὁ Ῥουφῖνος προσεκύνησέ τε αὐτὸν καὶ τὰ τῆς θείας ἐκείνης ὄψεως ὀμνὺς ἀπήγγελλεν (ed. Männlein-Robert 2019).
5	᾿Hκροῶντο δὲ αὐτοῦ καὶ τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς συγκλήτου οὐκ ὀλίγοι ὧν ἔργον ἐν φιλοσοφίᾳ μάλιστα ἐποίουν Μάρκελλος ᾿Oρρόντιος καὶ Σαβινῖλλος. ῏Hν δὲ καὶ ῾Ρογατιανὸς ἐκ τῆς συγκλήτου, ὃς εἰς τοσοῦτον ἀποστροφῆς τοῦ βίου τούτου προκεχωρήκει ὡς πάσης μὲν κτήσεως ἀποστῆναι, πάντα δὲ οἰκέτην ἀποπέμψασθαι, ἀποστῆναι δὲ καὶ τοῦ ἀξιώματος· (…) ἀλλὰ μηδὲ οἰκίαν ἑαυτοῦ ἑλέσθαι κατοικεῖν, ἀλλὰ πρός τινας τῶν φίλων καὶ συνήθων φοιτῶντα ἐκεῖ τε δειπνεῖν κἀκεῖ καθεύδειν, σιτεῖσθαι δὲ παρὰ μίαν· ἀφ' ἧς δὴ ἀποστάσεως καὶ ἀφροντιστίας τοῦ βίου ποδαγρῶντα μὲν οὕτως, ὡς καὶ δίφρῳ βαστάζεσθαι, ἀναρρωσθῆναι. (…) Τοῦτον ἀπεδέχετο ὁ Πλωτῖνος καὶ ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα ἐπαινῶν διετέλει εἰς ἀγαθὸν παράδειγμα τοῖς φιλοσοφοῦσι προβαλλόμενος (ed. Henry and Schwyzer 1951).
half-dozen	ἐτῑμησαν μάλιστα καίαν μάλιστα καί ἐσέφθησαν.
seven	ὁ δὲ θειότατος ᾿Ιουλιανὸς τοῦτο ἀκούσας, "ἀλλ' ἔρρωσο" εἶπε "καὶ πρόσεχε τοῖς βιβλίοις, ἐμοὶ δὲ ἐμήνυσας ὃν ἐζήτουν." καὶ ταῦτα εἰπών, καὶ Χρυσανθίου καταφιλήσας τὴν κεφαλήν, ἐπὶ τὴν ῎Εφεσον ἐξώρμησε. συντυχὼν δὲ ἐκεῖ Μαξίμῳ, ἐξεκρέματό τε τοῦ ἀνδρός, καὶ ἀπρὶξ τῆς ὅλης σοφίας εἴχετο. ὁ δὲ Μάξιμος ὑφηγεῖται αὐτῷ καὶ τὸν θειότατον μετακαλέσαι Χρυσάνθιον, καί, γενόμενον οὕτως, μόλις ἤρκουν ἄμφω τῇ τοῦ παιδὸς ἐς τὰς μαθήσεις εὐρυχωρίᾳ (ed. Goulet 2014).
8	Eun. VS 23.4: τινι [περιτύχοι] πλέον εἰδότι (ed. Goulet 2014, ed. Wright 1921).
9	Κατ' ἐκείνους δή τοὺς χρόνους καί ῾Ελλησπόντιος παρ' αὐτόν ἀφικνεῖται, καί βραδέως μὲν συνῆλθον εἰς λόγους· ἐπεὶ δὲ εἰς ταὐτὸν συνήντησαν, τοσοῦτον ῾Ελλησπόντιος ἑαλώκει, ὥστε, πάντα μεθέμενος, ἕτοιμος ἦν σκηνοῦσθαι παρὰ Χρυσάνθιον, καί νεάζειν ἐν τῷ μανθάνειν· μετέμελε δὲ αὐτῷ τοσοῦτον πεπλανημένος χρόνον, καί εἰς γῆρας ἀφικόμενος, πρίν ἤ τι τῶν χρησίμων ἐκμαθεῖν. καί ὁ μὲν ἐπί τούτῳ τὴν γνώμην ἔτεινεν (ed. Goulet 2014).
x	Καὶ ἐν πρώτῃ Κρότωνι ἐπισημοτάτῃ πόλει προτρεψάμενος πολλοὺς ἔσχε ζηλωτάς, ὥστε [ἱστορεῖται ἑξακοσίους αὐτὸν ἀνθρώπους ἐσχηκέναι, οὐ μόνον ὑπ' αὐτοῦ κεκινημένους εἰς τὴν φιλοσοφίαν, ἧς μετεδίδου, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ λεγόμενον κοινοβίους, καθὼς προσέταξε, γενομένους (ed. Nauck 1886).
11	Τό τε γὰρ ἐπιφαινόμενον ἁπλοῦν καὶ ἀφελὲς ἀδιήγητον ἐπεκάθητο τοῖς λόγοις, ἥ τε ἐπὶ τούτοις ἀφροδίτη τῶν ῥημάτων κατέθελγε τὸν ἀκροώμενον. πᾶσίν τε εὔνους ἦν κατὰ τὴν συνουσίαν, καὶ τῶν ἀπιόντων ἕκαστος, ὅτι φιλοτιμοῖτο μᾶλλον, ἀπῄει πεπεισμένος. ὥσπερ οὖν τὰ κάλλιστα καὶ γλυκύτερα τῶν μελῶν πρὸς πᾶσαν ἀκοὴν ἡμέρως καὶ πρᾴως καταρρεῖ καὶ διολισθαίνει καὶ μέχρι τῶν ἀλόγων διϊκνούμενα, καθάπερ φασὶ τὸν Ὀρφέα, οὕτω καὶ Χρυσανθίου λόγος πᾶσιν ἦν ἐναρμόνιος, καὶ τοσαύταις διαφοραῖς ἠθῶν ἐνέπρεπεν καὶ καθηρμόζετο (ed. Goulet 2014).

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Figure 1. Weber's theory of charisma (Alviz Fernández 2022, Figure i, slightly modified detail).

Effigy i. Weber's theory of charisma (Alviz Fernández 2022, Figure i, slightly modified detail).

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